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Belgian invents 'Holocaust' tale
Monique De Wael, who adopted the pseudonym Misha Defonseca, also admitted that she was not Jewish.
Her revelations came in an interview with the Belgian daily Le Soir, which said more than six million people had already seen Surviving With Wolves.
"It's not actual reality, but it was my reality," she told Le Soir.
"It was my way of surviving... I seek forgiveness from those who feel betrayed, but I implore them to put themselves in the position of a little four-year-old girl who has lost everything, who has to survive."
'Different life'
The story, presented as autobiographical, tells of a little Jewish girl whose parents are arrested and deported by the Nazis in 1941.
She goes in search of them across Belgium, Germany and Poland, with only the wolves for company. The book was first published in 1997.
In reality, De Wael says her non-Jewish parents were in the resistance but were indeed deported by the Nazis.
She says she then stayed with her grandfather and was "treated badly".
"It's true that I've always felt Jewish... it's true that I've always created a different life for myself, a life that cut me off from my family, a life far from the people I hated," she said.
Her true story came to light after suspicions were voiced in Belgium about her tale, prompting Le Soir to seek clarifications from her.
Europe divided over Kosovo
But while the four major EU powers - Britain, France, Germany, and Italy - announced they would recognise the new state, Spain and several other countries which have problems with their own separatist groups said they would not do so.
Russia warned it would set a dangerous precedent for separatist groups worldwide.
Ninety per cent of Kosovo's two million people are ethnic Albanian - mostly secular Muslims - who saw no reason to be part of Christian Orthodox Serbia.
As word of the recognition spread, cheering ethnic Albanians poured into the streets of Pristina.
But tensions flared in northern Kosovo, home to most of the territory's minority Serbs.
An explosion damaged a UN vehicle outside the ethnically divided town of Kosovska Mitrovica, where thousands of Serbs demonstrated, chanting "This is Serbia!"
Serbia is preparing to ask the UN Security Council to condemn Kosovo's declaration of independence as illegal, and last night it recalled its ambassador to the U.S. in protest against Washington's recognition of the breakaway state.
Spain, like Russia, is grappling with its own separatist movements and believes it would not be in its interest to back the former territory of Yugoslavia.
"The government of Spain will not recognise the unilateral act proclaimed yesterday by the assembly of Kosovo," Spanish Foreign Minister Miguel Angel Moratinos told reporters on arrival for a meeting of EU foreign ministers.
He said that to be legal, secession from Serbia required either an agreement between the parties or a UN Security Council resolution.
Britain's Foreign Secretary David Miliband said it was "critical" for the European Union to show leadership on the western Balkans and to maintain peace and stability there.
"I think it's very important that we recognise that all of the countries in the Western Balkans are European countries," he said.
"It is critical that Europe shows real leadership in how it ensures that peace and stability are the order of the day in the Western Balkans."
Aside from Spain, at least five - Cyprus, Greece, Slovakia, Bulgaria and Romania - have indicated they will not recognise Kosovo due to legal misgivings or concern about restive minorities in their own countries.
EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana urged restraint after Serbian nationalists stoned Western embassies in Belgrade in anger at the declaration of independence by Kosovo's Albanians.
"The EU has already decided to send a mission, a mission of stability, a mission of rule of law.
It should contribute to the stability of the Balkans," Solana told reporters.
The EU agreed on Saturday to send 2,000 police, justice and civil administrators to help build Kosovo's institutions.
NATO said in a statement its 17,000-strong KFOR stabilisation force would "respond resolutely to any attempts to disrupt the safety and security of the population of Kosovo".
EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn said Kosovo was a unique case and would not set a precedent.
He praised Kosovan leaders for promising to respect minority rights in line with a plan drafted by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari.
Russia, Serbia's closest ally, prevented the UN Security Council from adopting his blueprint for supervised independence last year.
That led Kosovo to declare statehood in coordination with Western powers.
Q and A
Why did Kosovo want independence?
Some 90 per cent of the population is Albanian. Demands for independence were ignored amid the wider Balkan wars of the 1990s until an armed rebellion was launched towards the end of the decade.
Serb forces hit back so hard in 1998 that 100,000 Albanians fled to the hills and Nato powers warned Serb leader Slobodan Milosevic they would not tolerate another round of "ethnic cleansing" in the Balkans.
Peace talks in France failed and in March 1999 Nato started bombing Serbia to force it to withdraw its forces from Kosovo. Some 800,000 Albanians fled or were expelled to Macedonia and Albania before Milosevic gave in 78 days later. As his forces pulled out, up to 200,000 Serbs and other ethnic minorities left as well.
How has Kosovo been run up to now?
Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations, with Nato troops as peacekeepers, since 1999. Unemployment is more than 50 per cent. Kosovo's uncertain future has deterred outside investment.
Spasms of ethnic violence, mostly by Albanians against Serbs, and organised traffic of contraband and people, have tarnished its image.
What will happen next?
Following Sunday's declaration of independence by the Kosovo parliament, the procedure is likely to follow a plan drawn up by UN special envoy Martti Ahtisaari for "supervised independence" which was rejected by Serbia.
Under the plan, a 120-day transitional period will follow a declaration and full independence would then come into effect.
How will the world react?
EU foreign ministers met in Brussels yesterday and the majority of member states were in favour of independence. Cyprus, Romania, Slovakia, Spain and Greece are not, fearing it could set a precedent for separatist groups in their own countries among other reasons.
Russia has firmly rejected the Kosovo move and wants the United Nations to annul the declaration.
Why is Russia so opposed?
Russia considers Serbia to share a Slavic and Orthodox Christian tradition and parts of the Belgrade government have actively courted Moscow's support in recent months. Serbia's oil monopoly was recently sold to Russia's Gazprom for what was considered a low price.
Traditionally an ally of Serbia, Russia is concerned by the EU's expansion into the Balkans and Moscow believes Kosovo would set a precedent.
There is little difference, according to the Kremlin, between the separatism of Kosovo and the ambitions of pro-Russian areas such as Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia and Trans-Dniester in Moldova.
What will happen to Kosovo's Serb minority?
An estimated 120,000 ethnic Serbs live in Kosovo, many in Serb-dominated areas north of the Ibar river, adjoining Serbia proper. Half of the population lives under Nato protection in scattered enclaves south of the Ibar river.
Under the Ahtisaari plan, the Serb minority would have guaranteed places in local government and parliament, proportionate representation in the police and civil service, and a special status for the Serbian Orthodox Church.
Is there a risk of violence?
Yes. Nato forces have stepped up their state of alert, especially in ethnically mixed areas of Kosovo. Commanders have promised more patrols.
The key question is whether they will be able to control flashpoints such as the main northern town of Mitrovica, where ethnic Serbs live north of the Ibar river and ethnic Albanians to the south.
Could the violence spread?
The nightmare scenario would involve Kosovo Serbs who live south of the Ibar river being violently driven from their homes, and the expulsion of ethnic Albanians living in enclaves in northern Kosovo, and in the Presevo and Bujanovac regions of southern Serbia.
It could go further than that. There are large ethnic Albanian communities in Macedonia and Montenegro, some of whom might seek a union with Kosovo.
'End of Europe'
What, we asked, will be the geopolitical consequences of Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence?
Alexander Rahr, a political analyst at the German Council on Foreign Relations and a member of the Valdai International Discussion Club, said:
Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence, and especially its recognition by European countries, would open up a Pandora's Box. It may create a precedent for other separatist republics and autonomous regions, which would demand similar action and the same rights that may be granted to Kosovars.
Lavrov has a legal point. Basques may demand secession from Spain, Tiroleans could secede from Italy and Hungarians from Romania. North Caucasians may demand secession from Russia, and Bavaria may insist on independence from the Federal Republic of Germany.
But the West thinks that Lavrov is dramatizing the situation, because separatism mostly stems from economic problems, while Europe hopes that its economy is strong and stable enough not to give rise to separatism.
But the threat does exist, and Lavrov's words, which are not considered important today, could become significant a few years from now.
John Laughland, co-author of the book ‘Russia: The New Cold War?' and a member of the Valdai International Discussion Club, said:
As you know, I support the Russian position on Kosovo because it has the merit of coherence, whereas the West's position is inconsistent and self-contradictory. The West (EU + US) supports the independence of Kosovo but opposes the independence of Flanders, Northern Cyprus, of Republika Srpska in Bosnia, of Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia etc. The West also opposes the division of Kosovo, whereas only Serbs live North of Mitrovica. Independence for Kosovo will stimulate similar calls for independence in Western Macedonia and the Presevo valley. It may indirectly cause unrest in the Caucasus too.
Moreover, Kosovo will not actually be independent. The EU will take over from the UN its protectorate functions. Elaborate plans have been made for sending thousands of EU officials and police to "post-status" Kosovo, while the 16,000 NATO troops will remain. Kosovo would have had more real independence within Serbia than it has had under the UN or will have in Europe.
Lavrov is right to say that the independence of Kosovo will be the beginning of the end of today's Europe because the current status of Kosovo is fixed by a UN Security Council Resolution (1244). If the EU and the US override that resolution, which says Kosovo is part of Serbia, they will have once again demonstrated their contempt for international law and shown themselves to be unreliable international partners.
Kosovo resembles Bosnia in the period 1878 - 1914. In 1878, the Treaty of Berlin put Bosnia under provisional Austrian administration while stipulating that it remained part of the Ottoman empire. In 1908, Austria violated the terms of the Treaty and annexed the territory directly. Serbia protested, but in vain. Ten years later the Archduke Franz-Ferdinand was assassinated by a Serb patriot in Sarajevo. The rest, as they say, is history.
Jan Carnogursky, prime minister of Slovakia in 1991 and 1992, an expert on Kosovo and a member of the Valdai International Discussion Club, said:
The recognition of Kosovo's independence would be a tragedy for Serbs, for whom Kosovo is a foundation and an inalienable part of their national history.
The Serbian state was born in Kosovo and adjacent territories in the 9th and 10th centuries. Serbian orthodoxy is also rooted there, since St. Savva, the most revered saint in Serbia, founded many monasteries in Kosovo in the early 13th century. The province was also the core of the Serbian state during its prime in the mid-14th century.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said that Kosovo's independence could be the beginning of the end for Europe. This is a dramatic, although essentially correct, view of the problem.
Moscow has never approved of the Western policy toward Kosovo and former Yugoslavia as a whole. Although it played a key role in stopping the war in 1999, Russia was the only member of the Contact Group that was not assigned its own sector of responsibility in the province. When the Russian paratroopers made their march to Pristina in June 1999, Serbs were jubilant, because they have always viewed Russia's presence as the best guarantee of their rights.
Unfortunately, developments in Kosovo show that geopolitics can easily defeat moral and legal principles in the 21st century. The secession of Kosovo from Serbia without the agreement of Belgrade would create a precedent for Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transdnestr and give Moscow a moral right to recognize the independence of post-Soviet breakaway republics.
Daniel Vernet, director of the international relations desk at Le Monde and a member of the Valdai International Discussion Club in 2004, said:
I think [Lavrov's] words are too dramatic. The decision on Kosovo's independence is far from ideal; but given the current situation, it is the lesser of many evils. If I remember correctly, it is the policy that [Slobodan] Milosevic pursued since 1989 that is to blame for the current situation.
As for geopolitical consequences, I don't think anyone would benefit from using Kosovo's independence as a pretext for destabilization in the Balkans or adjacent European regions. I think that common sense will dominate and the international consequences of Kosovo's independence will be minimal.
James George Jatras, director of the American Council for Kosovo, said:
It appears that within days the UN-supervised Albanian Muslim administration in Kosovo will issue a unilateral declaration of independence followed by recognition by the United States and other countries. Serbia of course will reject such a development, as will Russia, and almost certainly China, whose vetoes in the Security Council the US would have circumvented.
It still seems underappreciated the extent to which the US action would shred any semblance of legality in the international system. It may be the first time a group of countries has purported to separate part of a state's territory without its concession of that fact. (To be sure, many countries have been defeated and occupied and forced to sign treaties ceding land. Even Edvard Benes signed away the Sudetenland in 1938. No Serbian hand will ever sign away Kosovo). International guarantees of territorial integrity such as the UN Charter and the Helsinki Final Act would be a dead letter.
The US action is also a heavy blow to perhaps the only part of the UN system with any real value: the Security Council, which has helped prevent any major war since 1945, much like the 19th century "Concert of Powers" helped ensure that no general war occurred in Europe from 1815 to 1914. Indeed, devaluing Russia's standing in the Security Council by thwarting its veto is a big "plus" for Washington, whose message to Moscow is intended to be: "Whatever you might think, this is still 1999. We can do as we please and you can't stop us."
The US action -- supported by our utterly slavish "allies" in Europe - will not settle Kosovo's status. Kosovo's current status is clear: it is part of Serbia with an international presence to which Serbia has reluctantly agreed. After a unilateral declaration of independence and some countries' recognition, a competition would be kicked off between recognizing and non-recognizing states. Despite Washington's absurd claim that Kosovo would not set a precedent, a government of any multiethnic state would recognize Kosovo at its peril. Kosovo would never become a member of the UN.
Serbia would recover control of the northern area of Kosovo and perhaps some of the enclaves. This would not be a prelude to partition, however, but the liberation of part of what then would be the illegal occupation of part of Serbia by an illegitimate, criminal, separatist regime in Pristina supported by aggressive foreign powers. It would be up to the Albanians and their supporters to decide whether to kick off a new cycle of violence by attacking the Serbs, who would live in fear that the remaining third of their pre-war population would be eradicated and the rest of their churches destroyed.
The Albanian-controlled areas of Kosovo would sink even deeper into the black hole of organized crime (drugs, slaves, arms) and jihad terror under a "government" composed of war criminals and kingpins in the Albanian Mafia. Far from stabilizing the western Balkans, instability would be perpetuated by alienation of Serbia, the only country of any consequence in the region.
Altogether, we are looking at the perfect "train wreck," as even proponents of independence are calling it: shattering the international legal system, US-Russia confrontation, violence on the ground, criminality, human rights violations, and a new frozen conflict. Who could ask for more?
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